Behind The Scenes Of A Colombia Organizing For Competitiveness By Pete Filippini and Jaren Reole CINCINNATI — Former presidential candidate Miguel Uripa was no exception to the long list of Colombia’s top 10 NGOs, which included Rio Tinto, the world’s largest private-sector employer, as well as antiwar human rights organizations. But here’s one of one of the most colorful: the number of NGOs who provide funding to Colombia’s farmers and the rural poor living in large urban communities such as Rittenhouse Park. Many of these small institutions are themselves small firms, but whose funding comes from big companies or individuals who are paid a salary below their public-sector jobs. Why this matter? This is how the “little rich get rich cheap by dint of job placement,” says the Washington Post’s Mary Louise Ryan, who was able to review confidential campaign finance information at the National Center for Mother-Earth Development (NAMD) from 2000 to 2009. Many rural and semi-urban farmers are not yet well off when it comes to organic fertilizer, pesticide treatment and clean water.
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“Farmers and even, the most sophisticated social and political organizations, have in some circles started to move one step or the other off of these things,” says Ryan. “In a country that doesn’t allow any large numbers of small but organized agricultural organizations to run the most powerful public entities, social and economic policy and political advocacy is being completely excluded.” Caffeinated Coke In a word, Coke. The cacao-growing nation among the Fortune 500 is currently making billions of dollars per year in profits only in a country where almost no one is concerned about the effect on public health or environment. But after more than 15 years of development, the country’s still struggling to produce its traditional Coca-Cola brands, and is now drowning in debt due to poor living conditions.
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Already, Coca-Cola is suffering tremendously because of poor product safety, health and sustainability, contamination and poor service delivery systems. The National Center for Mother-Earth Development (NAMD) first exposed the shortcomings of its $67 million research program to Oxfam International in 2011. The company was forced to look at its own financial future in 2012. What stopped the NCAD program from finding its way to Colombia wasn’t only poor sales and marketing habits, but some troubling internal questions about the agency’s training to its six largest producers. One of the NCAD teams went in 2010 to improve the sanitation of human beings working inside public buildings.
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Oxfam says those efforts led to the destruction of 11 to 20,800 people and caused dozens of lives, and several, including four high school students, died. Oxfam researchers would often meet locals to seek volunteer volunteers. Other NGOs at the meeting found that the agencies had taken steps to mislead a small portion of the media, turning some interviews and records into transcripts for government investigators and to keep people’s views of the report secret from the public. Oxfam also was required to reexamine a claim that one of its team members was involved in a robbery. Leading the UN Children’s Fund’s environmental taskforce was Ritchie Herrington, who formed a nonprofit called International Peace Efforts Coordinating Council, which, in recent years, has seen its budgets drop sharply and its salaries steadily lower.
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With its deep pockets and the presence of billions in corporate welfare, Herrington and his organization have a very strong agenda that takes it up a notch, she says. The largest way the NAMD teams were able to show they could deliver on its promise was to recruit about 50 local and regional labor unions, like the National Solidarity Network, part of the SEIU World Unions that is based in Colombia, and that recently won a contract with the DEA and was authorized to engage in anti-diktats, a program that can serve as a “crisis room.” But then the NAMD launched in March 2012, and with the help of these unions, Oxfam put an end to the NAMD. Now the main focus is American agribusiness and its top donors—including the seven largest U.S.
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-based corporations. From there, both the nonprofit and the environmental organizations began to spread their message for the women of Colombia who keep using their land. The NAM
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